Saturday, November 17, 2007

Kathryn Tanner: Jesus, Humanity, and the Trinity

Here's another review of a book we read for Contemporary Neo-Liberal Theologians class: Kathryn Tanner's Jesus, Humanity, and the Trinity: A Brief Systematic Theology. It comes very highly recommended by me for the ethical implications it draws from the incarnation and the shape of Christian life that form when we serve the risen Lord.

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Tanner’s subtitle says it all: “A Brief Systematic Theology” describes exactly what this theologically rich work is- an outworking and rearticulation of Christian orthodoxy in terms of contemporary context. It is indeed brief, but it is also equally systematic in that it maintains an internal cohesion as it seeks to develop credible contemporary doctrines from traditional Christian dogmas. In short, this is a thoroughly theological attempt to figure out “what Christianity is all about” (xiii).


In the first chapter, Tanner lays out a Christology that is deeply consonant with the Chalcedonian formulations by tracing the implications of two basic principles, each of which has profound impact on the way the incarnation is understood: (1.) a noncompetitive relation between creatures and God, and (2.) a deep emphasis on the transcendence of God as stressing the difference between God and creation (that is to say, that which is not God). Along the way, she brings to light the radical repercussions of what I would call a soteriological chiastic structure: God became human so that humans might become divine; the infinite took on the finite so that the finite could taste the infinite, etc.


Over the next two chapters, Tanner develops an account of human existence that is based on the incarnation and on the unmerited charismata given to us by God. Our lives as Christians are to imitate God’s triune life in that just as God gives freely and fully to all, expecting that (but not on the condition that) the gifts will be “regifted,” so to speak to others, our lives are to be characterized by unlimited and impartial charity. Further, according to Tanner, when Jesus Christ assumed fully human nature and lived an entire human life in light of the grace of God, he perfected human nature, making possible the perfection of our own mortal selves through the power of God.


Throughout her work, Tanner is conversant with partners both ancient and modern, drawing upon the best of the Christian theological tradition in formulating her own account. The words of Karl Barth are cited frequently (though not uncritically), as are the Reformers (particularly Calvin), and great patristic writers (Athanasius, Cyril of Jerusalem. Maximus the Confessor, Gregory of Nyssa, etc.). The great value in being conversant with all eras of the tradition, as Tanner notes in the Introduction, is the ability to see contemporary debates and issues from a farsighted perspective, less confined to (though by no means free from) the assumptions and attitudes of the present day, an advantage this work employs to great profit.


It would be hard for me to exaggerate how much I enjoyed this brief, but deep account of Christian faith and life. The Christology is among the richest I’ve ever read, particularly in terms of the moral and ethical implications Tanner draws from her explication of God becoming human for the sake of his human creation. Though I still have some misgivings (or quite possibly just misunderstandings) of her explication of human resurrection and still hold out hope in the promised consummation of all things that is as temporal and historical as was the incarnation of Jesus, I did appreciate her stress on the experience of eternal life in the here and now. It seems to be thoroughly in keeping with the “already/not yet” nature of so many other critical facets of orthodox Christian faith.

Friday, November 2, 2007

Love of Enemies: Tracing the Shape of Christian Ethics Across the Centuries

Of all that is good and holy in the New Testament’s moral teaching, it is difficult to think of any exhortation more challenging, more countercultural, and more arresting than the summons to love our enemies. One of the famous “hard sayings” of Jesus,[1] the church has wrestled with its implications for Christian discipleship since the first century, at times following it to the letter in all aspects of life, at times relegating it to the “personal sphere,” and sometimes overlooking it entirely for reasons that are not always readily apparent. The aim of this study is to briefly sketch the history of the church’s interpretation of this teaching. Mainly in view here is the church’s ethical focus and the ways that it was shaped by the gospel tradition prohibiting revenge and violence. This study makes no pretensions about uncovering anything radically new or different in the history of interpretation; rather it is undertaken primarily to satisfy the intellectual curiosity of the author regarding the overall shape of these logia in the Christian ethical tradition. Due to the brevity of this project, it will be far from comprehensive, focusing mainly on highlights and turning points in the hermeneutical history.


Within the New Testament itself, a number of passages echo the summons to enemy love in a variety of ways. The Sermon on the Mount situates the prohibition within the series of antitheses[2] in which Jesus contrasts the discipleship lifestyle to which he calls his followers with the conventional wisdom of the day (Matthew 5:38-48). Paul exhorts the Roman Christians to love their enemies by doing good to those who persecute them, forbidding his readers from taking revenge or repaying “evil for evil.” Significantly Paul’s prohibition of revenge for the church is grounded in the theological conviction that vengeance belongs to the Lord alone (Romans 12:17-21). Peter (or, the pseudonymous author of 1 Peter, depending on your view) lifts up the example of Christ himself, who did not retaliate to the taunts and blows with which he was showered, as a path for Christians to emulate, following “in his steps” (1 Peter 2:21-23). Likewise he echoes Paul’s command to repay insults, evil, and violence not in kind, but with a blessing (1 Peter 3:9). All of these precepts, principles, and paradigms, though they vary slightly in wording, context, and circumstance, bear remarkable verbal and ideological parallels[3] indicating their origin in the common Christian kerygma of the first century. Though we have no way of knowing to what extent converts to the Way of Jesus actually practiced the enemy love in which they were formed, the first century of the church’s existence is marked by continual reaffirmations of the centrality of the love of enemies for the cruciform lives Christian disciples were supposed to live.


The enemy love command seems to have continued to be near the center of the moral catechesis of the church during its first three centuries of existence. The writings of the pre-Constantinian bishops, presbyters, apologists, and martyrs exhibit a startling emphasis on loving those who would hate, harm, and kill the early saints. Witness, for example, the “Two Ways” section of the late first-century Didache[4]:
There are two ways, one of life and one of death, but a great difference between the two ways. The way of life, then, is this: First, you shall love God who made you; second, love your neighbor as yourself, and do not do to another what you would not want done to you. And of these sayings the teaching is this: Bless those who curse you, and pray for your enemies, and fast for those who persecute you. For what reward is there for loving those who love you? Do not the Gentiles do the same? But love those who hate you, and you shall not have an enemy. Abstain from fleshly and worldly lusts. If someone strikes your right cheek, turn to him the other also, and you shall be perfect. If someone impresses you for one mile, go with him two. If someone takes your cloak, give him also your coat. If someone takes from you what is yours, ask it not back, for indeed you are not able. Give to every one who asks you, and ask it not back; for the Father wills that to all should be given of our own blessings (free gifts). (Didache 1)

The “Way of Life” is nothing short of complete love of God and neighbor, most notably of one’s enemies. In addition to the explicit injunction to “love those who hate you,” the Didachist also cites Jesus’ commandments on nonviolence and limitless charity. Clearly, the love of enemies typified on the Sermon on the Mount is at the heart of the gospel for this particular Christian community- otherwise it would not have been afforded so prominent a place in the Way of Life.


Athenagoras of Athens offers another exemplary embrace of the enemy love command as an indispensable component of Christian ethical standards. His Plea for Christians, an apology addressed to the Emperor Marcus Aurelius, offers a glimpse into the lived reality of the Christian community as well as a chance to see how the love command was employed for rhetorical apologetic effect. Responding to the charge of “atheism” which was leveled against the Christians for their rejection of the pagan pantheon, Athenagoras points to the “other-worldliness” of the peculiar Christian ethic:


Moreover, by showing that the teachings themselves, to which we are attached, are not human, but were declared and taught by God, we can persuade you not to hold us for atheists. What then are these teachings in which we are reared? “I say to you, love your enemies, bless those who curse you, pray for those who persecute you, that you may be sons of the Father in heaven, who makes his sun to shine on the evil and the good, and sends his rain on the just and on the unjust.” (Plea, 11)

For Athenagoras, the fact that Christians are taught to love their enemies rather than fight against or kill them is the singularly most important proof that the Christian faith is divine in origin rather than human— and therefore, that the Christians are not in fact “atheists.” It is this facet of the Christian ethic which distinguishes them from the pagan society around them:


Although what I have said has raised a loud clamor,[5] permit me here to proceed freely, since I am making my defense to emperors who are philosophers. Who of those who analyze syllogisms, resolve ambiguities, predicates axioms, and what the subject is and what the predicate- who of them do not promise to make their disciples happy through these and similar disciplines? And yet who of them have so purified their own hearts as to love their enemies instead of hating them; instead of upbraiding those who first insult them (which is certainly more usual), to bless them; and to pray for those who plot against them? On the contrary, they ever persist in delving into the evil mysteries of their sophistry, ever desirous of working some harm, making skill in oratory rather than proof by deeds their business. With us on the contrary, you will find unlettered people, tradesmen and old women, who, though unable to express in words the advantages of our teaching, demonstrate by acts the value of their principles. For they do not rehearse speeches, but evidence good deeds. When struck, they do not strike back; when robbed, they do not sue; to those who ask, they give, and they love their neighbors as themselves. (Plea, 11).

This powerful appeal points to the reality of how this ethic is practiced in Christian community as evidence of the superiority of poor, uneducated Christian peasants to the most prestigious of pagan philosophers.


To sum up what we have observed to this point, in both the Didache and Athenagoras, the gospel call to love enemies is not an optional or peripheral component of following Jesus. It composed one of the most central aspects to the life of a Christian disciple. For the Didache, it was “the way of life”; in Athenagoras’ Plea, it is the evidence of the gospel’s origin beyond human ingenuity, and these two writers are far from alone in this conviction.[6] The calls to love enemies, to turn the other cheek when struck, to never respond to evil in kind, etc. were taken with the utmost seriousness. They were the normative teachings on Christlike suffering servanthood, relevant if not essential in all facets of the Christian life.


When the socio-political conditions began to shift, the church’s theology shifted to accommodate its new circumstances. Within a few short decades in the 4th century, the church was transformed from a hunted and persecuted minority into the official religion of imperial Rome. Of course, the new establishment faith required a new establishment theological ethic to substantiate it. How could the new faith of the empire hold to the nonresistant enemy love of previous generations? Something had to transform for the ethic of the imperial church to attain theological legitimacy, and a reassessment of the traditional hermeneutic was required.


That reassessment found its champion in the writings of Augustine of Hippo. Augustine, following the example set before him by Ambrose of Milan, posited the now famous distinction between a Christian acting as a private citizen and a Christian acting as a public official. The former must continue to be free of bloodshed in loving his or her enemies, but the latter must at times disregard the love of enemies for the sake of peace:
As to killing others in order to defend one’s own life, I do not approve of this, unless one happen to be a soldier or public functionary acting, not for himself, but in defense of others or of the city in which he resides, if he act according to the commission lawfully given him, and in the manner becoming his office. (Letter 47, to Publicola).

This disjuncture between the “public” and “private” roles of the Christian is a thoroughly Constantinian distinction that would not have been imaginable prior to Christians attaining the heights of imperial power in the 4th century, yet it has persisted to the present day, anywhere Christians have maintained positions of power. As to the Sermon on the Mount itself, Augustine was even freer with the hermeneutical tradition. Augustine suggests that the injunctions to turn the other cheek when struck, to give to those who demand of us, to go the second mile, all refer not to actual responses to evil, but only “rather to the inward disposition of the heart than to the actions which are done in the sight of [people]” (Letter 138, to Marcellinus). Thus, the Christian need not actually respond to evil with blessing as was the case only a generation before Augustine’s time; rather all that is required is an “inner disposition of the heart” that is willing to do so. He “creates a space between preparedness to act on the Lord’s commands and the actual embodiment of their literal meaning.”[7] Hence, a Christian may even kill his enemies in warfare if it is done so with love in the inner disposition of the heart. In fairness, Augustine did not wish to discount entirely Christ’s command to love enemies, he only sought an interpretation of it that would permit Christians to do their civic duty to the Christianized Roman Empire and to violently repel the barbarian hordes that swarmed the lands and threatened its peace. In any case, his analysis would have a profound impact on the centuries that followed, as Christians continued to interpret the enemy love command from places of social power and authority.


This hermeneutical project remained largely unchanged through the centuries, (though it received certain nuances and intensifications from Thomas Aquinas[8]) and Augustine’s distinctions between “public” and “private” morality were largely taken up by Martin Luther, himself an Augustinian monk. Luther addressed an entire tract to the question of whether soldiering were compatible with the gospel, entitled That Soldiers Too, May Be Saved. Based heavily in his well-known “two kingdoms” theory describing the distinction and relationship between God’s reign and the political kingdoms of earthly rulers, one of the aims of this work was to establish that there is no conflict whatsoever between loving one’s enemies and killing them (as long as one did so from within one’s role as a soldier or magistrate of the worldly kingdom). In fact the Christian soldier, properly motivated, may perform his duties with no tension at all. Luther even argues (with a straight face, apparently) that “although slaying and robbing do not seem to be a work of love, and therefore a simple man thinks it not a Christian thing to do, yet in truth even this is a work of love.”[9]


John Calvin, despite the significant differences between himself and the developing Lutheran tradition as well as the considerable impact of Erasmian humanism on his theology, nonetheless followed Augustine and Luther in his understanding of the two societies at stake when discussing the social order. Unlike Luther however (who sought to maintain the separation between the two kingdoms and prevent the influence of one over the other), Calvin saw the duty of the magistrate as overwhelming both spheres such that the government’s authority “extends to both sides of the law,”[10] i.e. to both religious and civil affairs, and sought to unite the entirety of the Christian life into one harmonious whole. Concerning the explicit enemy love commands of the New Testament, Calvin was not entirely unaware of the potential conflict between loving one’s enemies and being forced to kill them. He held that while “resist not evil” meant that one must prepare for the possibility of receiving more injury, it did not exclude “nonviolently deflecting” the injury. Cahill comments, “The persuasiveness of the argument is hardly enhanced by Calvin’s interpretation of ‘love your enemies’ as meaning that while ‘the faithful should have no dealings with vengeance,’ they at the same time do not cease to pray that God ‘takes vengeance on the reprobate.’”[11]


This brief survey has left out far too many elements to even attempt a complete hermeneutical history of the enemy love command. We are, however, able to discern a fundamental pattern- positions of social power drastically affect the hermeneutical assumptions which one brings to the biblical texts, not the least of which is the summons to love our enemies. The precarious social position and powerlessness of the early church gave rise to a very serious, very literal take on turning the other cheek and loving one’s enemies. It is no exaggeration to say that it was at the very core of early Christian discipleship. The same holds true for the marginalized and persecuted Anabaptist sect during the 16th century. Yet beginning with Augustine, and continuing in an unbroken tradition through the cuius regio, eius religio era of Luther and Calvin to the present day, where the church exists in positions of power and social privilege, she has sought to mitigate, to various degrees, the scope and effects of the enemy love command. If nothing else, this study should raise our awareness of how our privileged social status (or lack thereof) impacts concretely on our biblical hermeneutics and the concrete reality the biblical text takes on in our lives.




Modern Works Consulted
Bruce, F. F. The Hard Sayings of Jesus, Jesus Library. Downers Grove, Ill.: InterVarsity Press, 1983.

Cahill, Lisa Sowle. Love Your Enemies: Discipleship, Pacifism, and Just War Theory. Minneapolis: Fortress, 1994.

Piper, John. "Love Your Enemies": Jesus' Love Command in the Synoptic Gospels and in the Early Christian Paraenesis: A History of the Tradition and Interpretation of Its Uses. Cambridge [Eng.]; New York: Cambridge University Press, 1979.

Richardson, Cyril Charles. Early Christian Fathers. 1st pbk. ed, The Library of Christian Classics; V. 1. New York: Macmillan, 1970.

Stassen, Glen Harold, and David P. Gushee. Kingdom Ethics: Following Jesus in Contemporary Context. Downers Grove, Ill.: InterVarsity Press, 2003.

[1] See F.F. Bruce, The Hard Sayings of Jesus (Downers Grove, IL: InterVarsity Press, 1983).
[2] Contesting the traditional interpretation of the “You have heard it said… but I say to you” passages as simple, two-part antitheses is the intriguing proposal of Glenn Stassen and David Gushee in Kingdom Ethics: Following Jesus in Contemporary Context (Downers Grove, Ill.: InterVarsity Press, 2003) 132-136. Stassen and Gushee posit a triadic structure undergirding the entire Sermon, in which Jesus (1.) recites the “traditional righteousness,” (2.) Exposes the “vicious cycle” that traps us in a morass of sin, and (3.) offers “transforming initiatives” as ways to break the cycle and redeem what has been lost. This explanation more adequately accounts for the data of the Sermon itself than does the old “antitheses” understanding, maintaining Jesus’ continuity with the traditions of the Law while at the same time demonstrating that something radically new is at play in his teachings.
[3] See John Piper’s dissertation Love Your Enemies: Jesus love command in the synoptic gospels and in the early Christian paraensis (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1979). Piper’s study carefully compares the forms and traditions of the enemy love command, ultimately concluding that they belong to the common treasury of Christian moral instruction that traces directly back to Jesus himself via the nascent Jesus movement’s rich oral tradition.
[4] Compare how the “Two Ways” portion of the Didache (1-5) is repeated in the Epistle of Barnabus, 19-21.
[5] Following a common rhetorical device, Athenagoras imagines here that his speech on Christian love of enemies has been met by hostile jibes (Richardson, 310).
[6] Indeed, brevity’s sake forbids a fuller cataloguing of the centrality the call to love enemies was afforded in the life of the early church. Some other examples can be observed in Ignatius of Antioch’s epistle to the Ephesians (10), Polycarp’s epistle to the Philippians (2:2-3), Justin Martyr’s First Apology (15, 16), Irenaeus’ Against Heresies (III, 18, 5-6), Tertullian’s Apology (37, 46), Cyprian’s letter to Demetrianus (25), Cyprian’s Three Books of Testimony (22, 23, 49, 106), Lactantius’ Divine Institutes (VI, 18), and many more.
[7] Lisa Sowle Cahill, Love Your Enemies: Discipleship, Pacifism, and Just War Theory (Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1994), 71.
[8] See Cahill, 84-92.
[9] That Soldiers Too, May Be Saved.
[10] Calvin’s Institutes of the Christian Religion, 4.20.9.
[11] Cahill, 116.

Friday, October 26, 2007

The Meeting of Religions and the Trinity

Review of Gavin D’Costa’s The Meeting of Religions and the Trinity

One of the inevitable results of globalization and the ever-increasing interface of the world’s disparate cultures has been a culture of de facto religious pluralism in many areas in which a single religious tradition has historically dominated. As the fact of pluralism has increasingly set into the global consciousness and heterogeny replaces long-standing cultural and religious homogeny, philosophers and theologians of every major tradition have sought to wrestle with the shifting “facts on the ground.” Some thinkers, not only Buddhist, Hindu and other traditions, but Christian theologians as well, have sought to take this de facto pluralism and turn it into a de jure pluralistic theology of religions, requiring the adaptation and conformity of historical forms of the world’s religions to what they perceive to be the new paradigm of normative pluralism.

Against this culture of normative pluralism, Gavin D’Costa’s The Meeting of Religions and the Trinity seeks to name and address the tensions and internal breakdowns of different pluralisms that claim to affirm the validity of all religions. D’Costa defines a religious pluralist as one who holds that
all religions (with qualifications) lead to the same divine reality; there is no privileged self-manifestation of the divine; and finally, religious harmony will follow if tradition-specific (exclusivist) approaches which allegedly claim monopoly over the truth are abandoned in favor of pluralist approaches which recognize that all religions display the truth in differing ways. (19)[1]

This work is a stridently postmodern[2] reaction against Enlightenment-inspired pluralistic Christian theologies of religions. Grounding himself firmly in the tradition of post-Vatican II Roman Catholicism, D’Costa launches an incisive critique of several different forms of religious pluralism, ultimately concluding that each in its own way collapses into some variety of exclusivism. Along the way, he questions the adequacy of the three-fold typology of theologies of religions (exclusivism, inclusivism, and pluralism), so prevalent since Alan Race’s 1983 Christians and Religious Pluralism, suggesting that the latter two cannot but help but collapse into the first. Finally, in a rhetorical coup de grâce, D’Costa attempts to turn the perceived “openness,” “tolerance,” and “equality” of pluralism on its head by demonstrating (1.) religious pluralisms fail to deliver on these lofty liberal aims due to a number of unarticulated assumptions and internal contradictions, and (2.) that trinitarian orthodoxy can better deliver pluralism’s stated goals than can pluralism itself. In this essay, we will offer first an overview D’Costa’s nuanced argument, followed by an evaluation of its main strengths and weaknesses. In the interest of brevity, we must largely pass over his analysis of the neo-Hindu pluralism of Sir Sarvapelli Radhakrishnan and the Tibetan Buddhist “pluralist-exclusivism” of the Dalai Lama to focus more fully on D’Costa’s deconstruction of Hick and Knitter’s Christian pluralism.

Chapter One takes up the task of critically examining the Christian and Jewish pluralisms of John Hick, Paul Knitter, and Dan Cohn-Sherbok. Each of these thinkers, who themselves are located within an exclusivist tradition, attempts to articulate a genuinely pluralist theology of religions. D’Costa’s main line of criticism in this section is that while each of these theologians stresses the need for a non-tradition-specific approach to theology of religions, their own approaches are actually dominated by a single tradition-specific context: Enlightenment modernism. The metanarrative of the Enlightenment, D’Costa argues, is as inherently exclusivist as is the Christocentric metanarrative it seeks to displace, even while it stridently denies this charge. These three theologians have effectively abandoned the exclusivism of their Christian and Jewish tradition in favor of the new exclusivism narrated by the Enlightenment project.

Hick’s Enlightenment assumptions sneak through clearly at several points: First, in seeking to unseat Christ from the center of a religious worldview, Hick is forced to decenter the incarnation, reinterpreting it mythologically[3] until Christology becomes an ethical “ought” rather than a doctrinal claim of fact. D’Costa comments: “This instrumentalist view is a child of modernity, in so much as the ontological claims of religions are negated, and religion's only usefulness lies in its ethical force, which is possible to replicate without the particular trappings of religion” (25). Second, Hick applies this same demythologizing strategy in his consideration of all other religions, denying any truth to their ontological claims. This is a thoroughly Kantian move, severing any connection between human language and the divine reality it purports to describe. Third, in denying the truth of the religious language of each tradition, Hick has committed himself to an ontological agnosticism. In doing so, he “seems to ignore or deny the really difficult conflicting truth claims by, in effect, reducing them all to sameness: i.e., they are all mythological assertions” (27), thus denying their ontological validity even while claiming he affirms it! Fourth, Hick cites the Golden Rule as an example of an ethical precept that is common to all religions. As Hick narrates it, it is traditionless, contextless, and divorced from the nuances and sources which impact its interpretation and application within a given religious community. This is, in effect, doing ethics for everyone by ignoring their particular convictions and tradition-specific religious and moral formation, a thoroughly Enlightenment project.

D’Costa’s analysis of Paul Knitter’s proposals reveals modernistic tendencies that can be similarly enumerated. First, unlike Hick, Knitter begins his proposal with ethics, only moving on to theoretical doctrinal formulation afterwards. D’Costa notes that this approach "is wedded to the Enlightenment project begun by Kant, such that a universal ethical imperative is prioritized over metaphysics and religion” (30). Second, like Hick, Knitter seeks to establish a universal ethic by noting suffering and eco-balance as “unmediated primary universals” (31), and that therefore, everyone regardless of context or tradition is subject to the same ethical “ought.” Third, Knitter cites approvingly the 1992 interreligious earth summit’s findings that science has provided us with a universal, transcultural creation myth that should displace the creation myths of the various religions. In seeking to establish an interreligious universal creation story, Knitter has denied the validity of other tradition-specific foundational myths while promoting that of his own exclusivist tradition- liberal modernity. Fourth and finally, Knitter believes that dialogue, another of his universal imperatives, is threatened by traditional Christian claims of constitutive Christology. Thus, constitutive Christology (regardless of its ontological truth or falsity!) must be rejected for the sake of dialogue. D’Costa summarizes: “This may very likely mean that only modern liberals within the religious traditions are allowed to participate in Knitter's global dialogue table, for if they are not modern liberals, then they are a ‘threat to dialogue’” (37, emphasis original).

In Dan Cohn-Sherbok, D’Costa finds a very rare breed- a Jewish pluralist. Cohn-Sherbok rejects traditional Jewish inclusivism and exclusivism, saying that a loving God cannot have a favorite and chosen people. He also believes that pluralism is the next step in the inevitable evolution of Jewish theology, a conviction that squares firmly with the Enlightenment myth of progress. D’Costa points out that his Jewish pluralism looks just like Hick's Christian pluralism- because they both emerge from the same tradition with same assumptions and goals- modernity. In this, D’Costa sees further evidence that the project of modernist pluralism is not “Christian” in any real sense, since it is entirely transferable to any other religious tradition.

By way of summary, D’Costa notes helpfully that there is no such thing as a non-tradition-specific religious truth claim, no matter how fervently pluralists may protest:
All criteria are tradition-specific and the more general their expression (hiding their particularity), the less helpful they are to adjudicate in conflicts; and the more specific their expression, the more clearly tradition-specific they are and therefore fail in their job of ‘impartial’ adjudication. (42)

For D’Costa, the ultimate irony that belies the claims of tolerance of the pluralists is that they are rather intolerant of the various forms of orthodox belief- no matter the religious tradition.

In Part II, D’Costa begins the explication of his own constructive proposal. He seeks to demonstrate “that a trinitarian meta-narrative does a very good job at narrating an unfinished story regarding other religions, while also allowing other religions their own voice” (92), and granting greater openness, toleration, and equality (albeit in a transformed way) than does liberal modernistic pluralism. The first step in this argument is a survey of Roman Catholic Church documents from the Second Vatican Council and the years which followed in order to see whether and to what extent other religions are affirmed as “vehicles of salvation.” In consistently keeping with his case from Part I that all religious claims are tradition-specific, D’Costa is unapologetically writing from his Roman Catholic tradition, with no illusions that the documents he cites are binding on those who do not share his theological convictions or are not formed by his Catholic trinitarian tradition.

The results of this survey are three-fold: in Church documents, D’Costa notes (1.) a positive affirmation of the Holy Spirit’s presence and transforming action within other religions, (2.) “This affirmation leads neither to pluralism which grants equal status to the religions, nor to inclusivism, in affirming structures per se, even if in a provisional sense” (116), and (3.) this affirmation is specifically nuanced by a trinitarian ecclesiology that does not divorce Spirit from Christ, for example (as the heavily pneumatological pluralisms of Hick and Knitter often do), and that the trinitarian symbols of Father, Son, and Spirit are always “ecclesiastical grammar” (i.e. directly tied to Christian theology and church), even when used of revelation outside the church.
Expanding on this third point, D’Costa exegetes the “Paraclete” passages of John’s gospel, finding in them further affirmation that Christian ethics, and consequently Christian theologies of religions, cannot be divorced from the narrative-specific context which gives them their distinctive form. He notes one such place where Christian praxis is rooted directly in the praxis of the incarnate Lord himself: the new commandment to love one another as Jesus has loved his disciples (John 13:34, although the examples could be multiplied). Grounded specifically in the narrative context of what Jesus has done, with specific reference to what he is about to do in the cross,
this love is no abstract idea or general theory of theism, but a specific set of practices found in the person of Jesus. The commandment to love is therefore not an ideological egalitarian principle which can be translated without this particular narrative, in the way that nineteenth-century liberal Christianity exegeted its moral gospel, and continues to do so as we have seen in chapter one. Rather, this love has both its source and shape in the "person" of Jesus, God's gift to the world- apart from whom God's love is not known. Such are the implications of a constitutive Christology. (119)

Likewise, this narrative context also bears fruit in our conception of who God is. D’Costa notes, summarizing the Johannine tradition “God who is love, cannot be other than personal” (122). An impersonal god cannot be love, for love is a relational, personal action. One cannot have a "relationship" with the cosmos, but one can have a relationship with the Creator of the cosmos.

From here, D’Costa builds off his Johannine exegesis to articulate the truly remarkable portion of his theology. (1.) Since talk of Spirit is only properly related to ecclesial reality in the church, “we must be extremely reticent about any abstract talk of the ‘Spirit in other religions,’” (128) for this would be almost nonsensical in Johannine terms. The Holy Spirit's presence is an intra-Christian claim, not a universalizable, contextless meta-theological claim. (2.) The question of "revelation" in other religions is therefore a “bogus question,” because the resurrection, for John, means that all such questions are misleading due to “a false understanding of time and history” (129). All creation, time and history are taken up and transformed in the reality of the “new creation” inaugurated by Jesus. Jesus is the metahistorical agent who “makes all things new” in the new creation. Thus, there can be no “new revelation” apart from Jesus within this new reality, for Jesus is the new reality itself. (3.) When we “observe” the likeness of Jesus in other religions, this is part of what it means to say that the Holy Spirit is present in the world and in the “other.” This “facilitates an open and generous enjoyment of the ‘good lives’ found within other religions; indeed to such an extent that Christians might even colloquially us the word "saint" of a non-Christian”(130). (4.) “So much as the Spirit is present in the world, then the world can be challenged on account of the elements of truth it might already hold, and these elements, when incorporated into Christian articulations and practice, serve to once more give praise to the triune God,” although this must be done with careful discernment (130). (5.) Saying that the Spirit is present in the lives of non-Christians “is both a judgment upon the church and a sign of promise to the church” (130.) As a judgment, it challenges us to live up to the reality of what we've been called to do and be in a way that we as the church have not. We may see, through the virtuous lives of non-Christians, how we have been ensnared by darkness. It's a promise because in being open and attentive to the Holy Spirit, we grow in our own relationships with God and with those of other religions. (6.) Despite the above, we must not uncritically baptize all Christ-like things we see in others. But we must remain radically open to the implications of it- implications which remain both ecclesiological and trinitarian. (7.) “John's theology of the spirit drives us even further to explore any such affirmations of the Spirit's presence in other religions” (131).

From this suggestive train of thought, D’Costa goes on in Chapter 5 to address a pastoral concern that has come to the forefront of the minds of many Christians in recent years thanks to the increasing plurality of religions we noted earlier: interreligious prayer. D’Costa asks whether interreligious prayer is like “marital infidelity”; that is to say, by praying with (say) Muslims or Hindus, are we betraying our first love, Jesus Christ? The discussion in this chapter is variously boldly experimental, cautiously optimistic, riskingly loving, and attentively faithful. The nuances and intricacies of his argument are too much to explicate in depth here, but D’Costa’s summary is well worth reading and considering:
I have been suggesting that plunging into the love of the triune God may well cause us to risk finding an even greater love of God through interreligious prayer, and into discovering the darkness and mystery of God afresh. Our marriage to our Lord, may itself suffer infidelity in an absolute resistance to the promptings of suffering love which might entail interreligious prayer. But equally, interreligious prayer may also be an act of irreverent infidelity. The church is called to pray fervently for those who engage in interreligious prayer for the sake of Christ. All I have sought to suggest is that under certain conditions such a risk in some circumstances is more than worthwhile; indeed it is a risk that Jesus' reckless love calls us to take. (166)

Whether or not one agrees with D’Costa’s conclusions on interreligious prayer, his approach is extraordinarily careful and nuanced, balancing fidelity to the Lord on one hand and the radical gospel impulse of personal identification with the religious “other” on the other hand. It is at once somewhat unsettling, yet extremely refreshing.

We turn now to an evaluation of D’Costa’s entire project. Overall, D’Costa’s rhetorical argument shows remarkable cohesiveness and clarity. The premises of the various chapters flow smoothly from one to another into the practical application chapter on interreligious prayer (which is admittedly somewhat unresolved and messy, for it touches on a topic in which no clarity can ultimately be defined between the various theological antinomies). D’Costa’s main argument, that there is ultimately no such thing as genuine pluralism (or inclusivism, for that matter), is clear, logical, and convincing. In perhaps the strongest part of the book, he shows that all religious thought is tradition-specific and exclusivist, including the liberal Enlightenment tradition which claims to be independent of culture and tradition, but which in the final analysis is every bit as exclusivist in its own way as traditional Christian claims about Jesus Christ. The rhetorical turn promoting the openness, toleration, and equality of trinitarian ontological theology stands these classic pluralist values on their head, effectively showing that where Christian pluralism fails to deliver on these promised virtues, trinitarian theology succeeds- but it transforms them: "Openness" becomes "taking history seriously," "tolerance" becomes "qualified establishment of civil religious freedom for all on the basis of revelation and natural law," "Equality" becomes the "equal and inviolable dignity of all persons," with no a priorism on questions of truth per se within the religions when renarrating these three terms (101).

D’Costa’s background makes him well-qualified to making this critique of pluralism. An ethnic Indian Roman Catholic, D’Costa was born in Kenya, but studied in Great Britain and now teaches at Bristol University. This diverse background makes him well-suited to understanding and appropriating the Enlightenment project because he has lived in both Western and non-Western cultures, and the sophistication of his analysis is evidently enhanced by the eclectic worldview influences to which he has been exposed. Hence, his critique of pluralism is more effective than would be one written by a theologian without significant experience living in an alien culture and immersed in a foreign worldview.
Finally, two of D’Costa’s more creative observations are important enough to warrant further highlighting: his discussion of constitutive Christology versus representational Christology on page 36, and his point that an assumption central to the Enlightenment project, the idea that God cannot (or does not) reveal Godself in the particular and concrete, is at the heart of “Christian” pluralism. Responding to Paul Knitter’s complaint about the Catholic Church clinging tenaciously to a constitutive Christology, D’Costa writes
Perhaps one reason why mainstream Roman Catholic theology has not opened itself to adopting a representative Christology is because it recognizes that this would be a departure from the fact that the Christian tradition takes its orientation from the trinitarian God disclosed in the narratives of the early church regarding the person of Jesus Christ and the community that he formed and that helped form him.... Jesus does not “represent” God, bit “is” God's very self-revelation as triune… (The) signifier in this unique case, is the signified.

A constitutive Christology, grounded in the tradition-specific narratives of the Christian church, is the essential difference between historic orthodox Christianity, and the exclusivist-pluralisms that claim the Christian tradition as their own. These pluralisms, D’Costa notes elsewhere, assume that God’s revelation is never specific, or in the historical particular. These two observations are interconnected- a denial of revelation in the particular ultimately leads to a denial of a constitutive Christology that holds up Jesus as the Word made flesh, the fullest revelation of God this side of the eschaton- and together form another vitally important part of D’Costa’s case for trinitarian theology.

The book is not without its flaws, however. First, while the depth of D’Costa’s treatment of Christian, Jewish, Hindu, and Buddhist pluralisms is rich and incisive, the breadth of this coverage is lacking. D’Costa himself notes early in the Introduction that his lacking an examination of other types of pluralisms, such as those from the Muslim or New Age traditions for example, weakens the force of his argument. Though exploring the thought of the Dalai Lama and Sir Sarvapelli Radhakrishnan certainly makes this book far stronger than it would have been had he only dialogued with Hick, the full force of D’Costa’s case is compromised somewhat by the existence of other very different pluralisms that have gone unexamined. Even readings of other Christian pluralists, such as Jacques Dupuis and Mark. S. Heim would have been helpful in order to solidify D’Costa’s case more than he already has.

Another weakness lies in the existence of a possible genetic fallacy inherent in D’Costa’s exposé of Christian pluralism as deriving from Enlightenment principles. He seems content with his unmasking of Hick’s and Knitter’s underlying modernist assumptions and arguments, yet does not take the next logical step of demonstrating why this invalidates their proposals. As it stands without this connection, D’Costa risks committing the genetic fallacy of assuming that an idea’s genesis in the Enlightenment automatically implies its invalidity, which simply is not the case. The book would be strengthened tremendously by a clear discussion of why the Enlightenment assumptions are untenable, instead of simply identifying Enlightenment tendencies in Hick and Knitter’s theologies.

One final unresolved question within D’Costa’s work begs to be answered: once one has successfully demonstrated that all religious traditions, including the Enlightenment tradition, are exclusivist (as indeed D’Costa has), what are the requisite criteria for determining whose exclusivist claims (if any) are true? If all religious positions are exclusivistic, it remains only to adjudicate truth claims- but from what neutral ground? The postmodern critique is such that there is no "bird's eye view" from which to judge truth or falsity. This question was clearly beyond the scope of D’Costa’s project in this brief volume, yet some resources, ideas, or at least signposts to point toward a resolution of this tension would have been of great profit to D’Costa’s reader.

[1] All page numbers, unless noted otherwise, are from the Orbis Books edition of The Meeting of Religions and the Trinity, published in 2000.
[2] Not “postmodern” in the deconstructionist sense of Derrida and Foucault, but in the sense of consciously doing theology after and in reaction to modernism and the Enlightenment metanarrative(s).
[3] “Myth” here means the classical Enlightenment sense of a story which, though not literally true, nonetheless has a profound impact on its hearers.

Wednesday, October 17, 2007

Why Diabetic Pacifist?

I am a diabetic pacifist. I bet you probably don't hear those words together a lot, but it's true. I was diagnosed with type 1 diabetes two years ago and now must maintain a scrupulous control over my blood glucose to obviate complications down the road. Acquiring the self-discipline required for success in this endeavor was a gargantuan stretch for me, but it has helped me maintain a disciplined existence in other facets of my life as well.

The pacifist part of me comes from my Christian convictions. As a dedicated follower of Jesus Christ, I have committed myself to following his example of self-sacrificial love of neighbor and humble service to my God. Several years ago, the incompatibility between on one hand loving one’s enemy, as Jesus taught and exemplified, and on the other hand killing him or her, as the world teaches us to do, was made manifest in my theological reflections. Following Jesus, I discovered, entails “following in his steps” (1 Peter 2:21) of suffering love for the sake of others, and this has fostered in me a deep love of the holistic peace of the reign of God.

In the service of this reign therefore, I have been called to a teaching vocation. I am a first year Ph.D. student studying Christian ethics, and am seeking to transform my passion for God’s peace into an educational ministry, teaching Christian disciples what it means to take up our cross and follow the Prince of Peace. My master’s thesis, Proclaiming the Gospel of Peace: Living Faithfully According to the Original Vision, is under consideration for publication by Cascadia Publishing House, and (God-willing) this will be the start of my writing career as an extension of my passion for teaching in the service of the church.

The two self-descriptors with which I opened this essay, diabetes and pacifism, while seemingly unrelated, are actually different extensions of one overarching theme in my life- radical dependence on God’s gracious provision. At the time of my diagnosis, I demonstrated the typical adolescent bravado regarding my health- I carried myself as if I were invincible. But when the doctor broke the news to me that my pancreas had ceased producing insulin on its own, the extreme fragility of human life, including my own, was painfully driven home and I was reminded that every breath I draw is the gift of God. Likewise, in embracing Christ’s call to willing humility and weakness for the sake of others and to renounce power and security of my own strength, I have learned to step out in faith and to trust in God for all good things. I need not fight nor kill, and I am set free from fear, for the Lord is my strength. With faith in the power of God for my well-being, I am freed to love dangerously, living faithfully to his call to empty myself as Christ himself did on my behalf.

Thus, I call myself a “diabetic pacifist.” It is an unusual self-description to be sure, but the term is an apt description of who I am, for it encapsulates two superficially unrelated, yet deeply intertwined facets of my identity that point to the transcendent Source of my health, my security, and my very life itself. It’s just who I am.

Tuesday, September 11, 2007

Metaphorical Theology

One of my courses this semester is called "Contemporary Neo-Liberal Theologians," and we're reading books by numerous writers who could loosely be termed neo-liberal because of a certain set of characteristics their approaches have in common. For class, we are to write a synopsis and assessment of each book to help guide our classroom discussion. Here's mine, for our first book, entitled Metaphorical Theology, by Sallie McFague. If it looks a little dense or brief, it's because we're not allowed to spill onto a second page! Our professor wants clear, concise writing that substantially engages with the main argument of the text. Thus, I had to cram everything I needed to say into one single-spaced page! Anyway, here it is. The book was a mixed bag- some very valuable contributions to cutting through the idolatry and irrelevance of certain theological models we employ in "God-talk," but some utterly needless culture-driven rather than Scripturally-driven critiques of incarnational orthodoxy as well.

I'd love to hear some comments from anyone who's read McFague, or who knows her work well enough to judge whether my description and assessment of her project is fair.
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Rob Arner 9-10-07

Sally McFague’s groundbreaking Metaphorical Theology: Models of God in Religious Language (Fortress Press, 1982) advances a new paradigm for theological reflection that attempts to take seriously the challenges of contemporary culture while maintaining fidelity to what McFague sees as the “root metaphor” of the Christian faith: the relationship between God and human beings. Her primary concerns, informed by contemporary experience, are the temptations that exist in theological discourse to turn certain models and descriptive language into idols to be ontologically absolutized, and the sense of alienation and irrelevance experienced by certain groups (e.g. women, minorities, etc.) as a result of certain overused theological models. The thoughts in this book are thus focused on describing an alternative approach to theology that avoids the idolatry of employing one theological model to the exclusion of all others (since no single model is adequate to encompass the totality of the human experience of the divine), while at the same time reaching out to those whose experiences the dominant Christian tradition has ignored or suppressed. McFague wants her readers to understand that our religious language and models have concrete consequences, and should be chosen and appropriated with the utmost of care. In a “thought experiment” in metaphorical theology, she explores the implications of the model of “God as Friend” as a gender-neutral and nonhierarchical complement to traditional language of “God as Father.”

The solution she proposes is an approach she dubs “metaphorical theology,” which takes the imagery of models and metaphors as its guiding structure. McFague stresses that metaphors always have an “is and is not” quality to them. They are forms of language that help illuminate particular facets of the object or concept under scrutiny by comparing it to another better-known object or concept, but at the same time they are not to be identified in totality with the known comparative model. In line with this, McFague rejects the traditional incarnational understanding of Jesus in favor of a parabolic view; “Jesus as a parable of God” is the way she states it, instead of the Johanine description of Jesus as the God become flesh. Likewise the sacramental, symbolic perspective smacks of too much literalism for her tastes.

This approach to theology certainly has much to commend it to the postmodern context in which McFague self-identifies (2nd Preface, page xi). One of its major strengths is its ability to look behind the religious language we use in order to examine the consequences of the models we appropriate. Christian worship is enriched exponentially by employing a diversity of models for the divine-human relationship and the Church’s liturgical language ought to express the “unsearchable riches of Christ” (Eph. 3:8) by seeking out new and expressive models to complement the existing tradition. Additionally, it exposes and deconstructs idolatry that can result when we forget that our models are only models, and not ontological realities in and of themselves.

However McFague’s metaphorical theology endeavor is too beholden to modern sensibilities. Throughout her book, McFague reveals in various ways that the starting point of her endeavor to reform historical Christian orthodoxy is “the modern mentality,” and she decries incarnational Trinitarian worship of Jesus as “Jesusolatry” (18). The underlying assumption is that “the modern mentality” cannot abide Jesus-centered worship (regardless of its truth!), so it must be scrapped in favor of a model which caters to what is deemed culturally acceptable. In my judgment, these priorities are backwards.

Monday, September 3, 2007

The face of Jesus

I'm working on a post interacting with what I've read so far from Bainton's book. Hope to get that up tomorrow night. For now, I'll just leave you with this beautiful image of Christ, which happens to be one of the most ancient iconographical images we have. It's from St. Catherine's Monastery at the foot of Mt. Sinai (yes, the Mt. Sinai), and dates from as far back as the 5th century:

I ordered this icon from an Orthodox monastery in Minnesota that reproduces these images and emblazons them on a piece of wood. I love it- it's an immense aid to my own prayer life.
The theological richness of the image is what draws me back to it again and again. If you divide the image down the middle of the face, using the nose as the center point, you see what is in effect two images melded together to create this beautiful icon. On the left-hand side, Christ is making a blessing gesture with his hand. His face is serene, approachable, tender, caring. He's conveying the blessings of God to the viewer with a truly benevolent gaze. This side (I think) represents the richness of the mercy of Christ; forgiving, compassionate, and just plain loving. Yet on the viewer's right-hand side, Christ is holding a book, perhaps a lawbook, perhaps the gospels. His face is stern, regal, kinglike. His eyebrow is arched, his eye is dark and penetrating. This is Christ the Judge, Christ the Lawgiver, Christ the King. There is no tender mercy conveyed in this side of his face, only a demand for fierce loyalty and obedience to his teaching and example.
The brilliance of this image to me, and what makes it so compelling, is the combination of both sides of Christ, the judge and the friend, the king and the suffering servant, in one rich tapestry. The message is that both sides are necessary for a full picture of Jesus the Christ. Christ the King demanding obedience is only half the story, an incomplete picture of the Savior of the world who knows all too well what it is to be a frail human being just like us. Likewise, Christ the merciful embodiment of forgiveness rings empty and hollow without the regal amd omnipotent lawgiver. For the ancient monk who crafted this incredible image, both sides are necessary to arrive at a full understanding of the person of Jesus. Jesus is a king all right, legislating his law of love among all who would call him Lord; yet he is a merciful king, looking with compassion on those who ask him for forgiveness.
I love this icon! But more than that, I love the Lord who it depicts in all his robust fullness. I know I am not worthy of such a holy master, but I am equally confident in the mercy and compassion he has promised. Kyrie eleison! Lord, have mercy!

Sunday, September 2, 2007

Newness

Here's your standard blog intro post. What's to say?

I'm just beginning the next phase of my life's journey right now. On Tuesday I begin my first semester as a Ph.D. student at the Lutheran Theological Seminary at Philadelphia (http://www.ltsp.edu/). My major concentration is Contemporary Theology, and my minor is in Scriptural Theology. I hope to do my dissertation in the field of Christian Ethics, offering a gospel-centered critique of war and violence as well as an alternative proposal for how those who claim to follow Jesus ought to respond to evil without embracing the "dark side" of coercive violence. St. Paul put it best: "Do not be overcome by evil, but overcome evil with good!"

Along the way, I'll be posting things of a more personal nature, such as my daily struggle with type 1 diabetes, my work for my home congregation Doylestown Mennonite Church, the antics of my African Grey parrot Sam, interactions with the immense amount of theological reading and research I have to do for my degree, and the joy that I experience as a disciple of Jesus and redeemed child of God. Don't expect posts here every day, for I am notoriously undisciplined and shamefully, rather lazy, but I hope to be here weekly at the very least.

You (whoever you are!) are welcome to interact with me here via the comments feature, or via email or AIM (TrpsNThere is my screenname. Long and obscure story behind that one.).

As for where the present moment finds me, I've decided to get jump start on my research before classes begin on Tuesday. I've checked out Roland Bainton's 1960 monograph Christian Attitudes Toward War and Peace: A Historical Survey and Critical Re-evaluation as well as Aldolf von Harnack's study from 1905 Militia Christi: The Christian Religion and the Military in the First Three Centuries, two classic studies that explore the early church's attitudes toward war and peace. I was referred to them by a really excellent book by Jean-Michel Hornus, It is Not Lawful for Me to Fight: Early Christian Attitudes Toward War, Violence, and the State.

As I discovered while doing research for my master's thesis, the official teaching of the Christian Church in the first three centuries involved a complete rejection of violence in all its forms as acceptable options for faithful Christian disciples. From abortion and infanticide, to capital punishment, gladiatorial combat, and particularly the violence of military service, all forms of the destruction of human life were rejected as inconsistent with the gospel of Jesus. The closest modern parallel is that which has been called the "Seamless Garment of Life" approach (see here for some basics and background on it: http://www.wau.org/about/authors/scullion1.html). In future posts, I hope to explore the implications and meaning of such a consistently pro-life ethic, grounded firmly as it is in the revelation of God to humanity in Jesus Christ.

Well, that's all for now. Hopefully that should give ya'll a flavor of what this blog will be all about. I'm going out to dinner now with Mom, my brother and sister-in-law, and my beautiful wife Lori to celebrate my 27th birthday tonight. The grace of Jesus Christ be with you all. :)